Whether the FDCA authorizes the FDA to regulate cigarettes and smokeless tobacco as customarily marketed, without manufacturer claims of therapeutic benefit.
Holding
No. Congress directly spoke to the issue through the FDCA's overall structure and later tobacco-specific legislation, and it precluded FDA jurisdiction over tobacco products as customarily marketed.
Reasoning
The Court applied Chevron's first step but emphasized that statutory meaning must be determined from the FDCA as a coherent whole, not from isolated words. Even assuming that nicotine is a drug and tobacco products are devices because manufacturers intend their physiological effects, that reading could not stand if it conflicted with Congress's clearly expressed design for the statute and for tobacco regulation.
A central feature of the FDCA is that regulated drugs and devices must be safe and effective for their intended uses. The Act's misbranding, classification, and premarket-approval provisions require the FDA to prevent the marketing of products that are dangerous when used as directed or that lack a reasonable assurance of safety and effectiveness.
The FDA's own findings established that tobacco products are extraordinarily dangerous when used for their intended effects. Because tobacco's asserted effects—such as satisfying nicotine addiction, stimulation, sedation, and weight control—do not supply therapeutic benefits that outweigh the products' severe health risks, the FDCA's ordinary safety requirements would require their removal from the market if they fell within FDA jurisdiction.
The FDA argued that tobacco could be considered safe because an immediate ban might create worse public-health consequences, including withdrawal, inadequate treatment capacity, and a black market. The Court rejected that approach because the FDCA asks whether the product itself is safe for its intended use, not whether one regulatory option produces better aggregate public-health results than another. A conclusion that a ban would be harmful did not establish that cigarettes or smokeless tobacco were safe as used.
Congress's tobacco-specific statutes confirmed that Congress did not intend the FDA to have this authority. Since 1965, Congress had regulated tobacco through warnings, advertising restrictions, and measures concerning youth access while preserving tobacco commerce rather than ordering a ban. Those statutes were enacted with full awareness of tobacco's serious health effects and nicotine's pharmacological properties.
Congress legislated against the FDA's long and consistent position that it lacked jurisdiction over tobacco absent therapeutic claims by manufacturers. Congress also repeatedly reserved major tobacco-policy choices to itself and prohibited federal agencies from imposing additional health-related labeling requirements on cigarettes and smokeless tobacco. The Court treated this affirmative legislative scheme, rather than mere congressional inaction, as ratifying the FDA's prior position.
Finally, the Court stressed the economic and political magnitude of the FDA's asserted power, which could ultimately include authority to ban tobacco products nationwide. Congress was unlikely to delegate such consequential authority through the FDCA's general drug-and-device definitions, especially after Congress had created a separate tobacco-specific regulatory framework. Thus Chevron deference was unavailable because Congress had clearly withheld the claimed authority.