Caseflicks

Supreme Court of the United States • 1988

Morrison v. Olson

487 U.S. 654 | 108 S. Ct. 2597 | 101 L. Ed. 2d 569 | 1988 U.S. LEXIS 3034 | 56 U.S.L.W. 4835

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Takeaway

In short, Morrison upheld the independent-counsel statute by treating its counsel as an inferior officer and asking whether the scheme unduly impaired—not wholly eliminated—the President's ability to execute the laws.

Background

Title VI of the Ethics in Government Act of 1978 authorized appointment of an independent counsel to investigate and, if warranted, prosecute certain high-ranking federal officials. After a preliminary investigation, the Attorney General could request appointment by a three-judge Special Division of the D.C. Circuit. The Special Division selected the counsel and defined a limited prosecutorial jurisdiction. The counsel possessed Justice Department investigative and prosecutorial powers within that jurisdiction, but could be removed by the Attorney General only for good cause, disability, incapacity, or a comparably serious impairment.

The controversy arose from a House investigation of the Reagan Administration's withholding of EPA documents from Congress. The House Judiciary Committee alleged that Theodore Olson, then an Assistant Attorney General, had given false or misleading testimony. After a preliminary investigation, the Attorney General requested an independent counsel to investigate Olson. The Special Division initially appointed James McKay and later appointed Alexia Morrison as his replacement.

Morrison issued grand-jury subpoenas to Olson and two other Justice Department officials. They refused to comply, arguing that the independent-counsel provisions were unconstitutional. The District Court upheld the Act, denied the motions to quash, and held the officials in contempt. A divided D.C. Circuit reversed, holding that the independent counsel was a principal officer who required presidential nomination and Senate confirmation and that the statute also violated Article III and separation-of-powers principles. The Supreme Court reversed the court of appeals.

Issues

Issue #1

Whether the constitutional challenges could be reviewed in an appeal from the contempt judgment despite limits on grand-jury witnesses' ability to resist subpoenas.

Holding

Yes. Morrison waived her objection to review by failing to raise it in the District Court, and the objection was not jurisdictional.

Reasoning

Morrison relied on Blair v. United States, which restricts the issues a grand-jury witness may raise after being held in contempt for refusing a subpoena. But she did not object in the District Court when the appellees raised their constitutional claims. The court of appeals therefore could treat the objection as waived, and the Supreme Court declined to revisit it.

The asserted Blair limitation did not concern the existence of an Article III case or controversy. The appellees faced enforceable contempt orders, the parties had a concrete adversarial dispute, and the courts could resolve it. Because the claim was nonjurisdictional, ordinary waiver principles applied.

Issue #2

Whether the independent counsel's appointment by the Special Division violated the Appointments Clause.

Holding

No. The independent counsel was an inferior officer, and Congress could vest her appointment in a court of law.

Reasoning

The Court held that an independent counsel is an inferior rather than a principal officer. She was removable by the Attorney General; performed restricted duties centered on a particular investigation and possible prosecution; lacked broad policymaking and general administrative authority; operated only within a defined jurisdiction; and served temporarily until completing a discrete assignment.

The Appointments Clause expressly permits Congress to vest appointment of inferior officers in the President alone, department heads, or courts of law. Nothing in its text or history imposed an absolute bar on interbranch appointments. Ex parte Siebold supported Congress's discretion to choose among the constitutionally listed appointing authorities.

Judicial appointment was not incongruous with the judicial role here. Courts have historically appointed officials with limited prosecutorial or law-enforcement responsibilities, and the Special Division was insulated from later litigation involving a counsel it appointed. Congress reasonably used the Judicial Branch to avoid the conflicts that may arise when the Executive Branch investigates senior executive officials.

Issue #3

Whether the Special Division's statutory powers violated Article III by assigning nonjudicial functions to federal judges.

Holding

No, as construed by the Court. The appointment power and the limited ancillary duties did not impermissibly intrude on executive authority or compromise judicial independence.

Reasoning

Once Congress validly vested appointment of an inferior officer in a court of law, the Special Division's appointment power derived from the Appointments Clause itself rather than from Article III's judicial power. Defining the counsel's jurisdiction was also incidental to appointment because a temporary office must be tailored to the facts that prompted the Attorney General's request. The jurisdiction, however, had to be demonstrably related to those facts.

The Special Division's other duties—such as receiving reports, granting limited extensions, deciding fee requests, and determining limited disclosure questions—were largely passive or ministerial. They did not give the court supervisory authority over the counsel's investigative or prosecutorial decisions and resembled functions judges regularly perform in grand-jury, disclosure, and fee contexts.

The Court read the Division's termination authority narrowly. The court could terminate an office only when the counsel's work was truly completed or substantially complete, not to direct the pace, depth, or merits of an ongoing investigation. That construction prevented termination from becoming a judicial substitute for removal.

The statute also protected judicial impartiality. The Special Division could not review the counsel's actions or the Attorney General's actions regarding the counsel, and its members were barred from later judicial proceedings involving matters handled by that counsel. The Court cautioned, however, that the Division could not exercise powers not specifically authorized by the Act.

Issue #4

Whether the Act's restriction of removal to good cause, disability, incapacity, or comparable impairment unconstitutionally interfered with the President's executive authority.

Holding

No. The good-cause limitation did not unduly impede the President's ability to carry out the duty to ensure faithful execution of the laws.

Reasoning

The Court rejected a rigid rule that turns solely on whether an officer exercises "purely executive" functions. Its removal precedents instead asked whether a restriction on removal interferes with the President's ability to perform constitutional duties. Myers established that some executive officers must remain removable at will, while Humphrey's Executor and Wiener showed that Congress may sometimes create protected tenure without violating Article II.

Although an independent counsel performs executive law-enforcement functions, the office is inferior, limited in jurisdiction and duration, and without broad policymaking or administrative responsibilities. The President's need for direct at-will control over that narrowly confined official was therefore not constitutionally decisive.

The Attorney General retained substantial means to ensure lawful and competent performance because he could personally remove the counsel for good cause, including misconduct. Congress viewed this protection as necessary to secure independence in investigations of high-ranking executive officials, and the Court concluded that it did not strip the Executive of sufficient control to violate Article II.

Issue #5

Whether the independent-counsel scheme, considered as a whole, violated separation of powers by impermissibly undermining the Executive Branch.

Holding

No. The Act preserved enough executive control and did not allow Congress or the Judiciary to usurp executive functions.

Reasoning

The Act did not aggrandize Congress at the Executive's expense. Congress could request that the Attorney General seek an appointment and could receive reports and conduct oversight, but it could not appoint, direct, supervise, or remove an independent counsel, apart from impeachment authority applicable to all federal officers.

The Special Division did not initiate appointments on its own. It could appoint a counsel only after an Attorney General request, and, once the counsel was appointed and jurisdiction defined, the court could not supervise the investigation or prosecution. Judicial review of a removal decision was a familiar judicial function aimed at ensuring compliance with the statutory good-cause standard.

The Act undoubtedly reduced the President's ordinary control over a defined category of prosecutions: the Attorney General did not choose the counsel, did not set the final jurisdiction, and could not remove the counsel at will. But the Attorney General controlled whether any counsel would be requested in the first place, retained unreviewable discretion not to request one when he found no reasonable grounds for further investigation, supplied the factual basis for jurisdiction, could remove for good cause, and benefited from the statute's requirement that the counsel generally follow Justice Department policy. Those safeguards left the Executive with sufficient authority to perform its constitutional functions.

Dissents

Justice Scalia

Reasoning

Justice Scalia viewed the case as a straightforward violation of the Constitution's allocation of all executive power to one President. Criminal investigation and prosecution are quintessentially executive functions, yet the Act vested those functions in a prosecutor whom the President did not select and could not fully control. In his view, the constitutional defect did not depend on whether the Act left the President with some residual influence; executive power had to remain under presidential control.

He argued that the independent counsel was a principal officer, not an inferior officer. An inferior officer, he maintained, must be subordinate to a superior officer through a genuine chain of command. The counsel instead wielded the full investigative and prosecutorial authority of the Attorney General within her jurisdiction, could act independently, and was removable only for cause. Limited subject-matter jurisdiction and temporary tenure did not make an official constitutionally inferior.

Scalia also faulted the majority for replacing clear structural rules with an open-ended balancing inquiry into whether presidential control had been diminished too much. That approach, he argued, gave courts no principled standard for deciding how much executive power Congress may transfer beyond the President's direct control and invited further legislative incursions on removal authority.

Finally, he warned that the statutory design endangered both political accountability and prosecutorial fairness. A prosecutor appointed to investigate a named official, insulated from ordinary Justice Department supervision, and staffed solely for that investigation could lose the perspective created by competing enforcement priorities. Under a unitary executive, by contrast, the President is politically accountable for prosecutorial choices and can be blamed or replaced when enforcement is selective or abusive.