Whether Congress could create non-Article III bankruptcy courts with authority to decide the broad range of matters assigned by 28 U.S.C. § 1471, including Northern's state-law contract action against Marathon.
Holding
No. The plurality concluded that Article III barred Congress from assigning this private-rights dispute, and the broad jurisdiction conferred by § 1471, to bankruptcy judges who lacked life tenure and protection against salary reduction.
Reasoning
Article III serves both separation-of-powers and adjudicative-independence values. Its tenure-during-good-behavior and undiminished-compensation guarantees protect federal judges from pressure by Congress and the Executive. The bankruptcy judges created by the 1978 Act served fixed terms, could be removed by circuit judicial councils, and lacked constitutionally protected salaries; they therefore were not Article III judges.
The plurality recognized only limited historical settings in which Congress may use non-Article III legislative courts: courts for territories and the District of Columbia, military courts-martial, and tribunals deciding certain public-rights matters. Those exceptions rest on exceptional constitutional grants of authority or historical practice and could not be extended simply because bankruptcy is a specialized subject in which Congress has substantial legislative power.
Northern's suit against Marathon sought damages for breach of contract and related tort-like claims under state law. That was a dispute between private parties over rights that existed before, and independently of, the bankruptcy petition. Although bankruptcy itself involves a federal restructuring of debtor-creditor relations, bringing this state-law claim into bankruptcy did not transform it into a public right that Congress could conclusively assign to a non-Article III tribunal.
The plurality rejected the Government's argument that Congress may establish non-Article III courts whenever an enumerated Article I power creates a specialized need. That theory had no meaningful limiting principle: it could allow Congress to shift broad categories of federal adjudication, including commerce and criminal matters, from the independent judiciary to tribunals under greater political control.