Caseflicks

Supreme Court of the United States • 1961

McGowan v. Maryland

366 U.S. 420 | 81 S. Ct. 1101 | 6 L. Ed. 2d 393 | 1961 U.S. LEXIS 2008 | 17 Ohio Op. 2d 151

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Takeaway

In short, McGowan upheld Maryland’s Sunday-closing law because the Court found its present purpose and effect secular—a common day of rest and recreation—even though Sunday laws originated in religious observance.

Background

Seven employees of a large discount department store in Anne Arundel County, Maryland, were convicted for making Sunday sales of a three-ring binder, floor wax, a stapler and staples, and a toy submarine. Maryland’s Sunday-closing laws generally prohibited Sunday labor and merchandise sales, while allowing numerous exceptions, including sales of food, gasoline, medicines, newspapers, and certain recreational or amusement-related goods and activities.

The employees argued that the statutory scheme violated equal protection and due process because its classifications and exceptions were arbitrary and vague. They also argued that the laws violated the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses of the First Amendment, as applied to the States through the Fourteenth Amendment. Each employee was fined five dollars and costs, and the Maryland Court of Appeals affirmed the convictions. The Supreme Court affirmed.

Issues

Issue #1

Whether Maryland’s Sunday-closing laws denied equal protection or violated due process because their exemptions and geographic classifications were arbitrary.

Holding

No. The classifications had a conceivable rational relationship to Maryland’s legitimate objective of providing a common day of rest, recreation, and tranquility.

Reasoning

The Fourteenth Amendment allows states broad latitude to make economic and social classifications. A classification is unconstitutional only when it rests on grounds wholly irrelevant to the state’s objective; the Court will uphold it if any reasonably conceivable state of facts could justify it.

Maryland could reasonably permit Sunday sales of such items as food, gasoline, medicines, newspapers, tobacco, and refreshments because people may need them for health, travel, or recreation on a day of rest. Likewise, the State could allow some amusements and recreational activities while still seeking to limit ordinary commercial activity and preserve a general atmosphere of repose.

Maryland could also treat Anne Arundel County differently from other counties. Equal protection protects persons, not geographic areas as such, and a state may adapt its laws to local customs, needs, and conditions without imposing uniform rules in every county.

The State could rationally allow beach and amusement-park operators to sell goods customarily connected with their facilities while barring general retail stores from selling the same goods. Limiting sales to the places where the goods would likely be used served public recreation while reducing the number of employees required to work on Sunday and avoiding the difficult enforcement problem of policing large stores that sold both permitted and prohibited goods.

Issue #2

Whether the Anne Arundel County exemption for merchandise 'essential to, or customarily sold at, or incidental to' beaches and amusement parks was unconstitutionally vague.

Holding

No. The provision gave persons of ordinary intelligence adequate notice of the conduct it permitted and prohibited.

Reasoning

A businessperson of ordinary intelligence could determine what goods were customarily sold at nearby beaches or amusement parks through ordinary commercial knowledge or a reasonable investigation. The statute therefore did not force merchants to guess at its meaning before deciding whether their conduct was criminal.

The Court did not address possible evidentiary disputes over whether the particular goods sold by the appellants were in fact customarily sold at beaches or amusement parks. Those questions had not been raised in the Maryland Court of Appeals and were not properly before the Supreme Court.

Issue #3

Whether the employees could challenge the Sunday-closing laws as violating the Free Exercise Clause.

Holding

No. The employees lacked standing because they alleged only economic injury and did not claim that the laws burdened their own religious beliefs or practices.

Reasoning

Ordinarily, a litigant may assert only his own constitutional rights. The employees did not identify their religion, claim that they observed a Sabbath other than Sunday, or allege that the Sunday-sales prohibition interfered with their own religious observance.

The Court also declined to allow the employees to assert the religious rights of customers or other third parties. Those persons could bring their own claims, and no special circumstance justified departing from the ordinary standing rule.

Issue #4

Whether Maryland’s Sunday-closing laws were laws respecting an establishment of religion in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments.

Holding

No. Although Sunday laws historically had religious origins and Sunday is significant to Christian denominations, Maryland’s current laws had a secular purpose and effect: establishing a common day of rest, recreation, and community tranquility.

Reasoning

The employees had standing to raise an Establishment Clause challenge because they alleged direct economic injury from a law they claimed imposed Christian religious tenets upon them. Establishment concerns extend beyond a claimant’s own religious exercise because government support for religion may threaten civil liberty and political authority generally.

The Court acknowledged that early English, colonial, and Maryland Sunday laws were expressly religious and were designed to enforce observance of the Christian Sabbath. But a law’s historical religious origin does not conclusively determine the constitutional character of its modern form, purpose, and operation.

Modern Sunday laws had developed substantial secular justifications. Governments and labor organizations supported common rest days to protect health, reduce the pressure of seven-day commercial competition, and provide families and communities a shared time for recreation, visiting, and relief from ordinary work routines.

Maryland’s extensive exceptions for food, recreation, beaches, amusement parks, alcohol in some places, and even some games of chance showed that the current scheme was not designed simply to enforce religious observance. The Court accepted the Maryland Court of Appeals’ conclusion that the legislative plan was to require a day of rest while permitting necessary and recreational activities.

A one-day-in-seven rule allowing every person or business to choose its own day off would not necessarily achieve the State’s goal of a shared day of quiet and family or community activity. Maryland could reasonably choose Sunday because it was already the day most people treated as distinct from ordinary commercial life, regardless of the reason that custom had developed.

The Court distinguished direct state aid or coercion of religious practice, such as religious instruction in public schools, from a secular labor and commercial regulation that happened to coincide with the practices of predominant religious groups. The Court emphasized that a Sunday law could still violate the Establishment Clause if its purpose or operative effect were shown to use state coercion to aid religion.

Concurrences

Justice Frankfurter

Reasoning

Justice Frankfurter, joined by Justice Harlan, agreed that the Maryland law was constitutional but wrote separately to ground the result in a more extensive historical account of Sunday legislation. In his view, Sunday restrictions evolved over centuries from explicitly religious rules into regulations serving mixed, and eventually substantial, civil purposes: protecting workers, resisting seven-day commercial pressure, and preserving a customary common day of community repose.

He did not rely on Everson as the principal analytical foundation. Instead, he framed the Establishment Clause as barring legislation whose primary end is the affirmation or promotion of religious belief as such. A law may be sustained when it serves substantial secular interests, even though its effects overlap with religious practice or make religious observance more convenient.

Justice Frankfurter cautioned that courts should not invalidate legislation by searching for legislators’ private or unexpressed religious motives. The constitutional inquiry should focus on the law’s objective and necessary effects. In his view, Maryland’s broad modern pattern of exceptions and its practical operation supported the conclusion that the statute served secular social ends rather than the establishment of religion.

He also agreed that the McGowan employees could not raise a Free Exercise claim because they alleged no burden on their own consciences or religious practices. He treated their Establishment claim as narrower: it could succeed only if the Sunday law lacked a substantial purpose other than promoting religion, which the historical record did not show.

Dissents

Justice Douglas

Reasoning

Justice Douglas concluded that the laws unconstitutionally used criminal sanctions to compel conformity with the religious practices and sensibilities of the Christian majority. In his view, the relevant question was not whether a state could require a periodic day of rest, but whether it could make Sunday observance compulsory for persons who did not share Christian beliefs about that day.

He maintained that the religious origin and continuing practical meaning of Sunday laws could not be erased by calling them civil regulations. Their parentage lay in the Fourth Commandment and in historical efforts to preserve the Christian Sabbath; their practical effect was to make Sunday a legally enforced symbol of deference to dominant Christian religious tradition.

Justice Douglas rejected the majority’s balancing of secular interests in common leisure and community quiet against First Amendment protections. The Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses, he argued, forbid the State from requiring people to refrain from otherwise innocent conduct merely because that conduct offends the religious scruples of others.

The burden was especially acute for Jews and other Sabbatarians who closed for their own Sabbath and were then forced by law to close on Sunday as well. That double burden reduced their working week and imposed an economic penalty for adhering to their faith. In his view, the State thereby preferred Sunday-observing Christianity over minority religions.

He reasoned that a state could impose a genuinely secular requirement of one day of rest in seven, or regulate working hours more generally. But it could not select the Christian Sabbath and criminalize ordinary commercial activity on that day merely because the majority regarded Sunday as sacred.