Justice Douglas agreed that Congress possesses ample constitutional power under Article I and the Necessary and Proper Clause to protect congressional elections from corruption at every meaningful stage, including primaries. In his view, however, the question was not Congress's power but whether Congress had clearly exercised that power through § 19.
Because § 19 is a criminal statute carrying severe penalties, Douglas would apply strict construction. The statute refers generally to rights secured by the Constitution, but he believed Article I plainly secures the right to vote and have one's vote counted at the final congressional election—not the more indirect interest in an honest primary or nominating process absent specific congressional legislation.
Douglas read prior cases as drawing an important line. Mosley permitted § 19 to reach a failure to count general-election ballots, but Bathgate held that § 19 did not cover a conspiracy to bribe voters even in a general election. Those decisions, he argued, showed that § 19 did not reach every act that corrupts or indirectly affects electoral choice.
In his view, the majority's test made criminal liability turn on local election law and political practice: whether a particular primary was legally integral to the election process or practically decisive in a given state or district. Congress could expressly make such distinctions, but a court should not infer them from a broadly worded nineteenth-century criminal statute.
Douglas also stressed that Congress had historically legislated cautiously and specifically in the election field. Its failure to enact proposed primary-election protections, including provisions considered during the Hatch Act's passage, indicated that courts should not treat § 19 as an unspoken federal primary-election criminal code. Justices Black and Murphy joined his dissent.