Whether Congress unconstitutionally delegated legislative power by allowing the President to decide when the Chaco arms embargo would take effect, what exceptions would apply, and when it would end.
Holding
No. The delegation was valid because it concerned foreign affairs, an area in which the President may be given broader discretion than in matters of purely domestic regulation.
Reasoning
The Court declined to decide whether this degree of discretion would be valid in a statute dealing solely with internal affairs. The resolution was directed instead at a foreign conflict and at the Nation's international relations. That distinction, the Court held, is constitutionally significant.
Justice Sutherland reasoned that the federal government's foreign-affairs powers differ in origin and character from its domestic powers. Domestic federal authority is generally drawn from enumerated constitutional grants, but external sovereignty passed from the British Crown to the United States collectively at independence and remained with the national government. The Court described powers over war, peace, diplomacy, and international relations as inherent attributes of national sovereignty, subject to applicable constitutional limits.
The President also occupies a distinctive institutional role in foreign relations. As the Nation's representative in dealings with foreign governments, the President has access to diplomatic agents, confidential information, and the advantages of secrecy and speed. Congress therefore may need to give the President flexibility to determine whether, when, and how a foreign-affairs measure should operate.
Longstanding congressional practice reinforced the conclusion. From the early Republic onward, Congress had repeatedly authorized Presidents to impose, suspend, modify, or lift embargoes and other foreign-commerce restrictions based on broad judgments about national interest, foreign conditions, and public safety. This unbroken history was powerful practical evidence that the challenged delegation was constitutional.
Accordingly, Congress could authorize the President to find whether an arms embargo might advance peace, to issue a proclamation activating the prohibition, to prescribe exceptions and limitations, and to determine when the prohibition should cease operating.